The Church Divided: The Operation of Caste in Indian Christianity

Although it has been more than 75 years since India gained Independence and got its Constitution with multiple provisions to eradicate caste, caste as a social institution continues to persist and shape the lives of individuals and communities in India. Caste has its origins in Hinduism and it has spread into most of the religions in India. For example, Islam has Pasmanda Muslims, and in Indian Christianity, there are Dalit Christians.

Christian missionaries have played a notable role in the emancipation of untouchables and backward communities by setting up schools and colleges which helped oppressed communities get education and employment, denied to them by the Hindu religion. Dalit Christians, once oppressed by the caste system and denied education, now graduate from colleges and technical institutions nationwide. While this is one part of the story, the religion which claims universal equality has failed to show any effect on the caste system. In fact, Christianity has become a victim of the caste system in India.

This essay explores the continuation of caste within Indian Christianity, analysing how it manifests in church structures, religious practices, and lived experiences. It underscores the historical role of Christian missionaries in Dalit upliftment, the persistent marginalisation of Dalit Christians within churches, and the dominance of upper castes in pastoral roles. Based on personal narratives and historical analysis, it argues that conversion to Christianity has not led to social emancipation for Dalits, supporting Dr. B. R. Ambedkar's skepticism about religious conversion as a solution to caste oppression. Finally, it considers Ambedkar's advocacy for Buddhism as an alternative path to true equality.

History of Christianity and Conversion in India

Christianity and missionaries have a long history in India. Christianity reached India in 52 AD when Thomas the Apostle reached Malabar Coast, the present state of Kerala. After the Portuguese and British arrived in India, missionaries were set up to educate Indians and make them "civilised". While there were Protestant missionaries before, the Charter Act of 1813 allowed the Christian missionaries to spread Christianity more effectively by setting up educational institutions and churches. Since then, Christianity has emerged as a major religion in India after Hinduism and Islam, with devotees mostly from marginalised sections.

Christian missionaries were deeply evaluative of the caste system as it presented immediate problems to their purpose (Forrester, 1981). The colonised adopted Christianity as a result of colonial and missionary interventions in the public sphere (Mosse, 2012). During the 1930s, several marginalised groups used conversion as a method to access modernity (Menon, 2002). Conversion offered an escape from spiritual and social marginalisation, as missionary efforts in education, healthcare, and compassion attracted Dalits. Mass conversions occurred among Chuhras in Punjab, Pariahs in Tamil Nadu, and Madigas and Malas in the United Andhra Pradesh (Pickett, 1933).

While most of the converts are from marginalised castes, particularly former "untouchable" Hindus, a few "upper caste" Hindus have also converted to Christianity for various reasons. For example, the Reddys of Andhra Pradesh converted to Christianity as Christian missionaries provided advantageous access to colonial administrators and institutions (Jangam, 2013). Since then, the other "upper castes" have dominated Christian missionaries. According to the 2011 census, Christians comprise 2.38% of the Indian population. This number is dubious as most of the Dalit Christians do not recognize themselves as Christians officially.

Caste Practices in Church

Hinduism enforces caste hierarchies, denying Dalits entry into temples. In India, Dalits were prohibited from entering temples and were not allowed to establish their own, as they were considered "impure" or "polluted." Even after conversion to christianity, some Dalits continued to face discrimination due to the lingering effects of caste discrimination from their previous traditions (Dumont, 1980). Dr Ambedkar firmly believed that upper castes could never be receptive to the Christian doctrine of love and universal brotherhood (Ambedkar, 1989).

For instance, in Nellore, upper-caste groups represent nearly 88 percent of the priests in the diocese, with the majority belonging to the Reddy and Kamma castes. In contrast, only about 12 percent of the priests are Dalits. This disparity is particularly striking given that 90 percent of the diocese's Catholic population is composed of Dalits. (Tough Challenges Await Nellore's New Bishop - ucanews.com, 2007). Be it Christianity or Hinduism, Dalits have, most of the times, been at the receiving end.

According to a report released by the Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front in 2018, discrimination against Dalits and the practice of caste is rampant within the church. The report also alleged the construction of separate chapels and the denial of priesthood opportunities to Dalit Christians ('Dalit Christians Still Trapped in Caste,' 2018). There are churches where members of each caste separate for worship (Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1998). Caste does not spare even death, as highlighted in the form of segregated cemeteries. While this practice is widespread in Hinduism, where every "jati" has its cemetery, this has also spread to Christianity. In Trichy, Tamil Nadu, a wall was built across the Catholic cemetery; Dalit Christians have been allocated burial space on one side of the wall, while the "dominant-caste" converts are buried on the other side (Natarajan, 2010).

Lived Experiences of Dalit Christians

Caste discrimination in Indian Christianity is not just structural but also deeply embedded in everyday experiences. The following narratives illustrate its continued impact on Dalit Christians. A former Dalit Christian, Akhil [name changed], recalled an incident with an upper-caste pastor who subtly showed caste discrimination. He used to pray, saying, "These people are not coming out of the 'Mala and Madiga mindset', and they are not taking the BC-C certificate" which is given to Christians in India. He also said the pastor used to continuously remind the Dalits how he had left his wealth and came into Christianity, urging them to do the same by giving up their SC certificate and reservation benefits.

Seema [name changed], a Dalit Christian, recollected incidents of discrimination her family has faced from the Roman Catholic Church. Her father, who was a staunch Christian, under the directions given by the Church, mobilised Dalits of two villages to convert them to Christianity by preaching the Bible for over a year. After the people had been successfully mobilised, the Catholic diocese constructed churches in both villages. However, when her father went to preach in the church, the priests denied him entry and asked him not to come back again. She also recalled an incident where her two brothers, who underwent training to become priests in Karunapuram, left after a year as they faced severe caste discrimination.

I have also observed similar practices happening at our local Roman Catholic Church. "Jati" has played a dynamic role here. There has been a long, continuous conflict between Mala and Madiga Christians for control over managing affairs of the Church. The Malas dominated church affairs a decade back; later on, when a plan to build a new church came up, the Madigas contributed vast amounts of money for construction in order to secure domination. While this is one part of the story, a man belonging to the Kamma community had been attending the local church for the past two decades. After his death, his family members, who stayed abroad, contributed heavily to developing the new church. They visited the church on occasion, mainly during the festivals, and whenever they came, they always received "special" treatment from the church committee. The committee would create space for them to sit in the front by forcing other worshippers to sit aside. These incidents prove the statement that Dr Ambedkar continuously emphasised: "Caste is a state of mind; it is a disease of mind" (Ambedkar, 1945/1990).

Upper-Caste Dominance in Pastoral Roles

I want to emphasise once again that Dalits have always primarily been at the receiving end, whether it is in Hinduism or Christianity. I have made important observations by analysing the profiles of multiple pastors and Roman Catholic priests, particularly in Telugu states. While a few Catholic priests belong to marginalised groups, most of the evangelical pastors and Catholic priests belong to dominant castes.

Popular Telugu pastor P Satish Kumar, the founder of Calvary Temple, which has its headquarters in Hyderabad, belongs to the Kamma community. Brother Anil Kumar, the son-in-law of former Andhra Pradesh chief minister YS Rajashekar Reddy, belongs to the Brahmin community. Vijay Prasad Reddy, founder of I FOR GOD Ministries, belongs to the Reddy community. John Wesley, founder of John Wesley Ministries, belongs to the Kapu community. Jaya Prakash Paul, one of the most popular evangelical preachers from the 2000s, belongs to the Brahmin community.

While this is the situation with evangelical pastors, I have observed that there are a significant number of bishops from Dalit communities. Analyzing the data on regional bishops in the Telugu states, I found that two bishops belong to the Kapu community, one from the Brahmin community, six from the Scheduled Caste (SC) community, and one each from the Reddy and Backward Classes (BC) communities.

Coming to Archbishops of the Roman Catholic Mission, the first archbishop (1953 - 1971) of Independent India belonged to the Kapu community, and the second (1971 - 2000) belonged to the Kamma Community. Only after 50 years was a Dalit archbishop appointed, serving as the third archbishop from 2000 to 2010. The fourth archbishop belonged to the BC community, and the fifth and present archbishop, Anthony Poola, belongs to a Dalit community. In 2022, Anthony Poola was elevated to the rank of cardinal by Pope Francis in Vatican City, Rome. This made him the first Dalit and Telugu person to receive this honour. His appointment has been widely celebrated among Dalit communities.

This analysis shows that the Roman Catholic Mission church has provided little representation to the Dalit communities. However, as seen in this paper, Dalits still do not get equitable representation in the priesthood in proportion to their population as Christians.

Dr Ambedkar's Thoughts on Christianity and Conversion

While Dr Ambedkar strongly promoted conversion from the Hindu religion, he was very skeptical about the untouchables converting to Christianity. He wrote two articles on Christianity: "Christianising the Untouchable" and "The Condition of the Convert", where he analysed the problems with Christianity and conversions in India.

Dr Ambedkar argued that the material conditions of lower castes could draw them to Christianity but questioned whether conversion could transform the mindset of untouchables or their relations with touchable Christians. Citing historical examples, he showed how caste was reproduced in Christianity, noting the Madurai Mission's acceptance of caste practices as cultural norms to ensure the Mission's success.

Through the following series of questions, Ambedkar underlined the condition of the 'untouchable' Christian in Indian Christianity and beyond:

"Can an untouchable, after his conversion to Christianity, take water from a public well? Are his children admitted to a public school? Can he enter a hotel or tavern which was not open to him? Can he enter a shop and buy things from inside? Will a barber shave him? Will a washer man wash his clothes? Can he travel on a bus? Will he be admitted to Public offices without compunction? Will he be allowed to live in the touchable quarters of the village? Will the Hindus take water from him? Will they be with him? Will not the Hindu take a bath if he touches him? I am sure the answer to every one of these questions must be in the negative. In other words, conversion has not brought about any change in the social status of the untouchable convert. To the general mass of the Hindus, the untouchable remains an untouchable even though he becomes a Christian (Ambedkar, 1989, p. 470)"

He emphasised that there is no community feeling among Indian Christians and argued that they are not bound together by a consciousness of kind, which is the test of the existence of a community.

Conclusion

Christianity's failure to eliminate caste discrimination within its structures underscores Dr Ambedkar's skepticism about conversion as a path to equality. Despite its claims of universal brotherhood, caste hierarchies persist in the church, marginalising Dalit Christians even after conversion. Ambedkar rightly argued that conversion to Christianity does not assure social emancipation, as caste remains intensely entrenched in Indian society.

Ambedkar's vision offers a compelling alternative: Buddhism. Rooted in the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, Buddhism rejects caste hierarchies and emphasises the inherent dignity of all individuals. It provides Dalits with a path to spiritual and social emancipation without perpetuating the oppressive structures of caste.

By following Ambedkar's call to embrace Buddhism, Dalits can reclaim their agency, build a community based on mutual respect, and strive for a society free from discrimination. Buddhism represents not just a religion but a transformative movement toward justice and equality.